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The Bible hardly mentions this practice (Ezek 21:26 mentions it as a Babylonian form of divination) and only using the Bible we would have had no idea about this rituals scope and popularity hair loss and vitamin d purchase finasteride 1 mg with mastercard. Fortunately hair loss cure now generic 5mg finasteride fast delivery, many Akkadian tablets have been found de scribing how to hair loss cure knee buy generic finasteride 1 mg line read livers and discussing cases when it was done and what was learned hair loss on mens lower legs generic finasteride 5 mg overnight delivery. Archaeologists have even discovered clay liver models used to instruct up-and-coming haruspices. Some of these tablets and models were found in re mains of Canaanite towns, so the practice was clearly found among West Semitic peoples as well. Then an animal was brought for sacrifice and its entrails/liver would be read by the priest or haruspex/hepatospex, to find the gods answer. The matriarch, Rachel, steals them from her father Laban, and Michal, the daughter of King Saul and wife of David, has them in her house. Laban describes them as gods (Gen 31:30, 32), but Micah seems to have them in addition to his figurines (Judg 18:1418), implying they are not exactly idols though were to be found in cultic contexts (see also 2 Kgs 23:24; Hos 3:4). We also do not know what they looked like, but they were likely variable in size since Rachel hides some in her bag on the camel and sits on them (Gen 31:34), implying they are small, but Michal puts one in her bed under a blanket and pretends it is David sleeping (1 Sam 19:1316), implying a large ob ject with a more or less human shape. Their purpose seems to have been divination, since when they function properly, they would (somehow) answer questions (Ezek 21:26; Zech 10:2). A modern-day Ouija board comes to mind as an object of equivalent function (though not form). Abiathar the priest carries one (1 Sam 23:9) and David makes use of it to find out whether Saul will show up at Keilah to capture him. The object seems to have been a feature of worship places; Gideon establishes one for people to see (Judg 8:27), as does Micah and the Danites (Judg 17:5, 18:20), and it is sometimes paired with terapim (Judg 17:5, Hos 3:4). From the references to the high priestsepod in Exodus (28:4) and to David wearing an epod cloth (2 Sam 6:14), we learn that it was an object that could be attached to clothing and worn, perhaps depending on any given epods size and weight. Divination from the Urim ve-Tummim func tioned by asking a question of Yahweh that could be answered in binary form (yes or no, this or that). Other accounts of an unspecified permitted divination (not explic itly Urim ve-Tummim) describe a narrowing down procedure (Josh 7:1418; 1 Sam 10:2021), perhaps with lots (Stokl 2018). The term prophet (nabi) or seer (oze) may refer to multiple phenomena in cluding miracle workers (such as Elijah and Elisha), sometimes in a fee-for service model (see, 1 Sam 9:69; Amos 7:1215), predictors of the future, con duits for consulting the deity and receiving messages, and orators on matters religious (including ethics). It is almost certain that the royal houses of both Israel and Judah supported court prophets. These prophets are described as playing key roles in the royal courts of Ahab (Israel), Hezekiah, Josiah, and Zedekiah (Judah). Michaiah ben Yimla says the opposite of all the other court prophets (1 Kgs 22), warning the kings of Israel and Judah that they will lost the battle. Jeremiah and Chananiah have a contest of speeches, debating whether Babylon will prevail over Judah (Jer 28). Even Isaiah (by this I mean the eighth century figure from whose oracles the first part of the book of Isaiah was composed), whose ethical visions of the future we know from the book of Isaiah, is described as a court prophet with whom king Hezekiah would consult (2 Kgs 19). The prophetess Huldah (2 Kgs 22:14) is even consulted by King Josiah on the important question of whether the book of the Torah found in the temple was the legitimate word of Yahweh. Religion in Eighth-Century Judah: An Overview 449 Sometimes, prophets functioned exactly like oracles, interpreting things they would see as portents (Jer 1:1115, 24:110; Amos 7:79, 8:13). Other times, prophets would envision the heavenly court, and hear Yahweh speaking with them directly. Michaiah describes seeing Yahweh sitting on his throne with the host of heaven standing to the right and left (1 Kgs 22:19). Isaiah also describes Yahweh sitting on a throne, but with winged seraphim offering praises in booming voices (Isa 6). Exodus (24:1011) describes a meal with God on Gods mountain, in which the participants see him standing on pure sapphire (Stokl 2012). The possibility that a ran dom stranger could be an angel or even a deity was a staple in ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean religion. As Penelopes suitors say to Antinous, after he is rough with a stranger begging for food, Your fate is sealed if hes some god from the blue. Disguised in every way as they roam and haunt our cities, watching over us (Od yssey bk. Jacob wrestles a man who turns out to be an angel or a god (Gen 32:2531), Abraham serves food to three strangers who turn out to be Yahweh and two angels (Gen 18), et cetera. Here scholarly work on dating biblical texts, especially the Pentateuch and its layers, plays a crucial role. What we see from most models of textual development is the increasing im portance over time of the Israelite/Judahite national stories such as the exodus from Egypt, the wilderness wandering, the conquest of Canaan, the patriarchs, and the revelation at Sinai or Horeb. As part of Judahite identity was (or later became) their embracing of Israelite identity as part of their own cultural memory, it is almost impossible to distinguish the national stories of one from the other. The national stories became part and parcel of Israelite/Judahite ritual, in cluding and perhaps especially in the holidays. By the end of the First Temple period, the Pesa became about how Israels firstborn were spared when Yahweh struck down the Egyptian firstborns and Maot became about how Israel left 450 Zev I. This process continued in the early Second Temple period with Sukkot, which became about the wilder ness wandering, and finally in the late Second Temple period with Sabuot, which became about the revelation at Sinai (Frankel 2015). At one point, it seems that different groups within Israel and Judah had separate national stories, likely connected to one founding father or major event. Thus, there was an exodus story, about how the Israelites were slaves in Egypt and saved by Yahweh (and Moses). There was a wilderness story, in which Yahweh found Israel in the wil derness and brought them back to his land. There were various patriarch (and matriarch) accounts, focusing on Abraham or Jacob, including promises about the land, et cetera. These accounts were eventually all combined in a timeline in which one hap pened after the other, with the story of Egypt as the dominant trope. Significantly, part of the coalescing of these national stories was also the coalescing of national identities, in which Judah firmly placed itself in the Israelite story. This was likely the culmination of a long process of partial identification between the two polities going back to their roots. The earliest traces of what became Israel and Judah, which appear in the Iron I highlands of Judea and Ephraim, were virtually identi cal in their material culture (Faust 2006), so strong identification between the two polities is not surprising. The authors and scribes who put together the Bible clearly understood what ever political considerations led the Israelites and Judahites to create separate polities to be artificial. With the destruction of the northern kingdom as an inde pendent power, the Judahite scribes adopted the pan-Israelite identity of twelve sons of Jacob as axiomatic with Judah as the favored son of Israel. In the end, the stories of Judah and their northern brethren would be told to gether in the biblical texts, and the religions of Israel and Judah, with their joint worship of Yahweh, would become one religion in the eyes of the Bible, its edi tors, and its readers. The Memoirs of God: History, Memory, and the Experience of the Divine in Ancient Israel. Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria, and Israel: Continuity and Change in the Forms of Religious Life. The writing systems of Mesopotamia and Egypt were complicated nonalphabetic writing systems, with large inventories of signs that can be classified as logograms (where one sign represented an entire word), syl labograms (where one sign represented an entire syllable), and determinatives (where a single sign signified something about the nature of the noun or substan tive that it preceded or followed). A scribe writing texts in these non-alphabetic writing systems would need to know scores of signs, often totaling a couple hun dred (and the total of the signs for these languages numbers many hundred). Naturally, years of education would be required to learn these writing systems (even for someone who was a native speaker of the language). For this reason, writing was a technology that normally resided in elite hands, that is, those asso ciated with the royal bureaucracies of the great powers: scribes, priests, high-level governmental officials, military officers, ambassadors. I am so very pleased to be able to have this article included in this Festschrift for Professor Oded Borowski, a scholar from whose writings I have learned so much and whose friendship and kindness I treasure. Moreover, I am also particularly grateful to Zev Farber and Jacob Wright, editors of this volume, for their many kindnesses and great pa tience. Finally, I should like to emphasize that I am grateful to the National Endowment for the Humanities for the fellowship (during September 2013January 2014) that provided substantial funds upon which some of the research for this article is based, and I am also equally grateful to the Albright Institute of Archaeological Research (Jerusalem) for the use of its peerless library, residential facility, and for their tremendously supportive staff. Thus, the average pastoralist, agriculturalist, blacksmith, carpenter, or potter would not have found a knowledge of writing all that necessary, something that is emphasized especially in the Egyptian Satire of the Trades (and analogous literature) and is also readily apparent in a fair number of the school texts from ancient Mesopotamia (Rollston 2001). To be sure, some merchants would have had some knowledge of literacy, but often this may have been just a basic func tional literacy. In other words, there is much truth in the words of the Second Temple Jewish sage Ben Sira regarding the dramatic contrasts between the scribal profession and that of the trades.

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In some areas hair loss cure queentet proven finasteride 1 mg, especially the north-north central region new hair loss cure close to market purchase generic finasteride pills, bulldozing in preparation for planting 7 hair loss best cure discount finasteride online. Bruins 2012 hair loss cure october 2014 discount finasteride 1mg line, however, summarily dismisses the conclusions of Shahack-Gross and Finkelstein by noting that the regional survey of Moti Haiman (1994, 51) found an abun dance of Iron Age sickles as well as silos and threshing floors in the same region. In other places, such as just southeast of the center of the map, the lack of surface manifestations of any archaeological sites is real. The Roman and Byzantine period was a rare cool and damp period whose site distribution is seen in figure 15. Their large number is obvious, but we also note the size of what must have been villages or towns in locations otherwise never occupied. The wet climate of about 150 years allowed these sites to develop further south and in the hamra zone. Khirbet Jemmameh, Khirbet Tubakah, Khir bet Koufir, Khirbet Fuwara, and Sukkariyya were substantive sites. Their apparent large size is the result of our inability to distinguish amphorae and jar fragments of the mid-sixth century from the mid-seventh century on al-Ass manor estate. During the more typical warm dry climate of the Iron Age far fewer sites are found (fig. Tell el-Hesi seems to be a military site and Khirbet Summeily seems to be a governmental site. The small, tall, mound sites of Tell Abu esh-Sheqef, Tell Quneitirah, and Tell Umm al-Baqar dot Coming to Recognize that Farming Was Rarely Practiced in Hesi 253 Fig. White dots are the location of sherd scatters and small sites with limited remains. Plotted on a 1945 air photographs of the Hesi region; map prepared by William Isenberger in association with the authors. Although a mound site above a floodplain, Tell en-Nejileh is a thin occupation partly atop an older mound. With that possible exception, no villages or farmsteads are known across the landscape. In summary, occupation in the cooler, moister Roman/Byzantine Period is representative of village life and is an anomaly we will not discuss in this venue. Hardin the site distribution maps for all other periods from Iron Age to about 1900 are without village or farmstead sites. This suggests that at best there was a limited sedentary agrarian population in the region during most periods. True occupation sites only appear where the Wadi el Hesi system cut through the hamra soil and formed a floodplain. Thus, virtually all other occupation of the region must have been transitory, non-sedentary, or seasonal endeavors that left only limited remains scattered across the archaeolog ical record. This identification implied that the region was a settled, agrarian landscape re plete with planted fields, farmsteads, and hamlets. As research progressed, various discoveries and observations came to light that did not fit comfortably with this interpretation. Rather it was not cultivated and the sites on the landscape seemingly were military or governmental. This understanding is sufficiently at odds with the projects re search design as to render it useless as a paradigm in the research program. Over the past 3000 years, excepting the late Roman/Early Byzantine period, the greater Hesi region functioned as a pasture or grassland populated by nomadic or semi-nomadic shepherds and their flocks or herds. Undoubt edly they controlled the road, benefitting through the receipt of taxes and tolls. The small fort at Tell el-Hesi was an early warning point on the border protecting Lachish as well as the neighboring grasslands from unwanted grazing or raiding. In particular they were further placed to con 8 trol both the road and the best water in the greater region. Over 20,000 acres of land providing feed on the stalk would have been a valuable commodity to control and it would have required protection. Support for this idea can be found in the towns and villages mentioned in the Lachish district that are preserved in Josh 15:3741. Hardin, Rollston, and Blakely argued that the first names in this list are those of the Hesi region, ordered from west to east along the road. The first location mentioned is tsanaan (zenan), a noun probably meaning pasturage. What it shows is that Judah viewed this pasture region as an inte grated part of the kingdom. Since the Bible is rarely interested in issues of economics or animal husbandry, it never mentions the role or duties of the Chief Shepherd or his un derlings. These let ters show direct imperial control of pasture, sheep, and other grazing animals in a system covering the empire that extends down from the king, to governors, to commanders of cohorts, to members of cohorts, and finally the individual shep herds. Grazing locations, permission to travel, and even routes taken to the capital were directed from the Kings Court, which probably included a Chief Shepherd. While there is a difference in scale between Judah and Neo-Assyria, it is easy to imagine that Judahs king exercised similar control of pasturages, especially if the pasture was protected by a series of forts, as is the case in the Hesi example during the nintheighth century. Bedouin all the way into the mid-twentieth century identified the Wadi Hesi and as one of only two good sources for sweet water in the southern areas of Palestine (the other was the Wadi Beer Sheva), see. We thank Lawson Younger for pointing to such examples in the State Archives of Assyria. Hardin With this in mind, the land surrounding the Hesi region probably served as a pasturage for sheep and goats. Finkelstein cautiously estimated the water needs of goats as about six liters per day during the dry season, and less during the rainy 10 season when green vegetation is available. The ability of goats to eat anything from grasses to thistle would have provided rich and ample feed throughout the Hesi region except for the late summer and early fall. Only one person would be needed to handle between 150200 sheep, as Watson (1979, 93) has noted. Recent work by Sam White and other Ottomanists has revolutionized the modern understanding of the Ottoman Empires economy because of the preser vation of, and access to, a huge quantity of seemingly mundane written records. Whites 2011 study of the Ottoman economy of the latter three quarters of the sixteenth century provides an interesting example of an imperial sheep economy being one basis for provisioning a successful, aggressive, and expanding empire. Provisioning such an empire required numerous and varied resources pouring in from the periphery to the imperial center. The Porte empowered contractors from each part of the empire to provide specified numbers of live sheep to Istanbul on a set sched ule to ensure a continuous supply of live animals to the imperial slaughter houses that were located near the citys gates (White 2011, 1820). Sheep were just one part of the system; records of timber supply and usage are another example. Every activity (from the species to be utilized, the season of harvest, and function to be served from staves, to oars, to beams, to masts, to gunstocks, to wheel felloes) was controlled to meet the needs, yet maintain the forests for future generations (White 2011, 2731). Just as the forests could be managed from a thousand miles away by the Porte, the routes and seasons of sheep herding to Istanbul were regulated. It is only in these relatively modern records that we can see the detail in control of fields, routes, and produce that might be regulated by 10. Israel Finkelstein (1995, 56), based on figures for local sheep and larger mountain and European goats. Coming to Recognize that Farming Was Rarely Practiced in Hesi 257 the sultan or king even though the extent has been missed by modern scholars until recently. The system collapsed, however, with the advent of the Little Ice Age when climate change caused many sheep to freeze to death or die of starvation at a time when greater military activity increasingly stressed the system. Eventually ewes were sent to meet the quota destroying the breeding stock and depleting the herds. However, while the system worked during the stable climate of much of the six teenth century, the Ottoman army was virtually invincible (White 2011, 2051, 9798, 14849). Once the provisioning system broke down, the war machine of the Ottoman Turks failed and never again was as formidable. The Ottoman exam ple demonstrates well the integration and control maintained by the state. Many believe that rearing of horses in significant num bers was prohibitively expensive for a small polity like Judah.

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The sub field that deals with dirt in an archaeological context is called geoarchaeology hair loss network buy finasteride 1mg fast delivery. Geoarchaeology mainly studies rocks and dirt hair loss control clinic discount finasteride 5mg, the latter of which can be sub divided into soil or sediment hair loss keratin growth serum buy genuine finasteride on-line. Soil is the outcome of weathering that occurs near the surface and in situ hair loss cure bald truth discount finasteride 1 mg without a prescription, and its formation requires long term stability. Sediments are transported from one location to another by natural or cultural processes, and generally include almost all the matrix of the archaeological layers. In its widest sense, geoarchaeology may include all the subfields of the ar chaeological sciences that are used for archaeological research. Here, however, we will deal with its narrower and more common meaning: the combined study of archaeological and geomorphological records and of the processes, both natural and cultural, that alter the landscape as a whole. The main aim of geoarchaeology is to construct integrated models of human-environmental systems and to study both human and natural impacts on the landscape. While it needs to combine sup port of several other sets of data, a good understanding of geoarchaeology is essential for reading the landscape as well as to provide context to the archaeo logical record. The largest scale is landscape, which includes sites and their environment; a smaller scale is archaeological layers and fills; and finally, there is the micro scopic context. Natural processes and human activities may change the properties of the sediments in various ways, and therefore studying the variability of the sediments has implications for understanding the past. This variability can be traced by measuring parameters that may differentiate between sites and their en vironment, between loci, dirt-features and layers. Geoarchaeological research uses various tools and methods, here we will briefly outline some of them, with a look at what substances each method focuses on. Occasionally, buried soils exist in archaeological sites, but their identification can be done only by analytical meth ods. Naturally, the values should be higher at the surface and decrease with depth, and the identification of such trends in deeper strata can indicate a buried surface. An assemblage of grains that is dominated by large particle sizes is one that was brought by high-energy such as river transport or by strong winds. In contrast, airborne dust (loess) and slow river flow have finer characteristic par ticle deposition. Texture may be studied in sections of an archaeological excavation, in drilled cores, or in sections of a stream channel embankment. It may assist in the recon struction of the paleohydrology of an area or the wind regime, by determining erosion rates and energy (implied from the size and sorting of the sediments), and to study geomorphic processes that affected a site through time and space. Analyzing the texture of sediments in archaeological mounds can also have implications for the understanding of the latters formation. Specifically, texture may explore the composition of decayed mud-bricks that donors the matrix of mounds, and whose source in the environment can also be traced by the texture. Another method that may be used to characterize the sediments is determin ing carbonate content, which refers to the percent of calcium carbonate in the sediment. The natural deposition of carbonates occurs because of sedimentation in watery environment. Carbonate in the ground may originate from the degrada tion of limestone rocks, which were formed from skeletons of living organisms. The vertical distribution of the carbonates in the ground depends on natural pro cesses such as leaching. Unlike the texture, carbonate distribution does not change as a result of most human activities such as fire, and therefore may assist in finding the location of source material for mud-features (where the dirt was quarried). Its simplicity and the speed of its implementation make measuring soil pH a routine laboratory operation. The al kalinity or acidity of the sediments (represented by pH values) is determined naturally by the soil type, but it is affected by some natural agents, such as the presence of carbonates, or bat-guano in caves, or as a result of various human activities that leave salts or organic matter in the ground. Besides the characteri zation of sediments, pH affects the materials buried in the soil, for example, it may damage charcoal, bones, and metal objects, up to their complete dissolution. One of the endeavors that geoarchaeology tries to deal with is to locate the places, type, and intensity of past human activities. Phosphorus (P) is an element common in plants and their remains such as ash, in faunal and human flesh and bones, and also in their waste. In natural soil, the phosphate concentration remains +/ the same along the years, as new plants consume the P of decomposed plants. In loci of human activity, however, the concentrations are expected to be higher than normal, as new materials with high P content are brought there. When P is added to soil, it quickly bonds with other elements, and a stable chemical compound named phosphate is formed. Compared to other elements that remain from vegetal/fauna/human, phosphate is less susceptible to soil processes such as leaching, and plant uptake, and therefore, when P enters the soil it be comes relatively immobile and accumulates. These characteristics of P make it a sensitive and persistent indicator of human activity, and suitable for geoarchaeo logical studies in a wide range of sites and environments. These methods are related to the environmental characteristics and to the form of P that one looks for. For example, the P that is available to plants and is easily extractable may be used as an indicator of human activity in relatively dry envi ronments. In archaeology, phosphate analysis is used in surveying possible sites of human habitat and their boundaries, and studies of past agricultural practices. Micromorphology is a powerful tool for studying soils and unconsolidated sedi ments in small thin sections, using microscopy. The use of soil micromorphology in archaeological contexts became more mature in the last two decades of the twentieth century. By examining the texture of the sediments that were deposited at specific locations in and around the site, micromorphology provides data that complements other data gathered from the more traditional macro-morphological analyses (above). The data types that can be obtained from micromorphology are natural pro cesses that are responsible for the formation of the sediment; anthropogenic materials and structural disturbances due to the human activities; insights into the processes that affected the sediments (after their deposition); and occasionally a sequence of events that can be deduced. This method is ideal for the understanding of microstratigraphy, such as looking for signs of trampling. The limitation of the method is mainly in its imperfect representativeness in relation to a given location: It covers an area of only a few centimeters, while archaeological layers and loci are usually at least on the scale of a few meters. Another limitation has to do with the difficulty of good implementation: an expe rienced researcher will identify more materials than a beginner, and therefore will provide a better interpretation. In order to improve the interpretation, complemen tary tools for the identification of minerals can be utilized (such as an electron microscope with an elemental analyzer). In many cases, archaeologists want to identify the minerals that compose the sed iments, features, or artifacts. These minerals assist in revealing their provenance and the way in which they arrived at their current location. Besides the identifica tion of the minerals, their spatial distribution in the vertical and horizontal planes may produce information about the activities that occurred in that space and as well as changes through time. Minerals in archaeological sites are produced in a number of ways: Geogenic: Minerals produced by the wearing down of rocks. The minerals most commonly found in archaeological excavations are quartz and other silicates, clays, carbonates, and phosphates. However, beside these com mon materials, most of the materials contain very small quantities of impurities (called trace elements), which can be measured with high precision methods. The composition of the trace elements in the material may assist in locating the provenance of the raw material. For both the common materials and the trace elements, the interpretation and identification is done using a comparative library with a large number of previ ously measured samples with known materials and origins. Many methods and tools are available for the study of mineralogy, some are non-destructive and some cause (minimal) damage to the material. Infrared spectroscopy is a method with minimal destructive effect on the analyzed substance, as it requires a very small amount of material. It has the major ad vantage of being able to identify both crystalline and amorphous minerals (as well as many organic materials). When an infrared light beam is transferred through the sample, the photons whose wavelength matches the energy of a molecular bond in the analyzed material are absorbed in it, while photons with other wave lengths pass through. Therefore, each material has its unique signature, and the peak combinations enable us to identify it.

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The centrifuge is tightly packed in polystyrene foam hair loss cure that works order 1 mg finasteride otc, so removing it may require two people: one to hair loss cure quiberon order finasteride 1 mg overnight delivery hold the box and the other to hair loss in men alopecia purchase finasteride with visa lift the centrifuge hair loss cure october 2013 order 1 mg finasteride amex. Place the centrifuge upright on a laboratory bench or table, and open the centrifuge door. You will see that the disc has been secured to the light source/detector assembly with a combination of spacers and nylon bands. Loosen the bolt that holds the light source detector assembly in place so that the assembly can slide left and right. Cut the nylon band that secures the disc to the light assembly, then slide the light source/detector assembly to the right and remove the protective spacer that is between the disc and the light source. Finally slide the assembly left as far as it will go, and then tighten the bolt that secures the assembly in place. Spin the disc by hand to be sure that it is free spinning and not in contact with the light source/detector assembly. If you have purchased a computer system, unpack the personal computer, color monitor, and printer from their shipping containers and place them on the lab bench or table with the centrifuge unit. Follow the instructions that come with the printer to remove any plastic shipping spacers from inside the printer housing, install the ink cartridges that come with the printer, and load the printer with paper. It is recommended that you keep all shipping containers in case you need to ship the system in the future. Connect the three prong power cord to the back of the centrifuge and to a grounded power outlet. Connect the computer, monitor, and printer power cords to appropriate power outlets. Connect a printer cable from the computer parallel port to the local printer (if one is present). Connect the video signal cable (permanently attached to the monitor) to the computer. Connect the 9-pin serial cable from the instrument to a Serial Port on the computer. The software and all supporting files are on an installation set of 5 floppy diskettes. Setup will create this directory for you once you have typed in this directory name. A directory will be created for the default operating procedure, and several particle size distributions will be copied to the default operating procedure. A starter set of 9 aqueous solutions for forming a density gradient (125 ml each) is normally provided with the system. Complete sets of preserved solutions (eight 1 liter containers of density gradients, one 250 ml container of dodecane, and one 3. Special density gradient solutions (such as based biological buffers) are available by special order. The Density Gradient Builder mixes these stock solutions in continuously changing proportions as the density gradient is being formed. Aqueous Density Gradient Solutions For most aqueous analyses, the disc is filled with a series of sucrose (table sugar) solutions to establish a density gradient within the disc. For low density materials (specific gravity of the particles less than 2), the start-up set of gradient fluids will normally be: 24. If the samples are cationically stabilized, then sucrose solutions should be prepared using a cationic stabilizer should be used. If the samples are not compatible with any type of ionic emulsifier, then solutions can be prepared using a non-ionic emulsifier. If your samples are either very low or very high in density, or very large in particle size, then you may receive different density gradient fluids that are more suitable for your samples. The gradient is formed while the disc is spinning at constant speed, so be sure the centrifuge is running at constant speed before you start to build the density gradient. Page 8 gradient will be completely disrupted and the instrument will not operate properly. Sample Preparation/Injection Solution Concentrated samples must be prepared for analysis by dilution to a low concentration. For aqueous based samples, the dilution is normally done in a stock solution of the following weight composition: 99. These calibration standards are usually well defined, narrow polyvinyl chloride latexes. If you wish to develop your own calibration standards, you should read the section of this manual called "Principles of Operation" for recommended techniques to develop a calibration standard. These samples are narrow, well characterized polyvinyl chloride, polymethyl methacrylate, or polyvinylidene chloride latexes. Anti-evaporation Cap All instruments shipped after May 2002 include a small plastic cap that fits into the central opening of the disc. The cap has a small central hole that is treaded to accept a handle which allows easy insertion and removal, and is also equipped with an o-ring on the outside edge that seals against the machined surface of the central opening. This cap essentially eliminates evaporation from the fluid surface, and also eliminates drag on the fluid surface from motion of the air relative to the fluid. Use of this disc is required for any volatile gradient fluid, and is recommended for use with all gradients, even those that are not volatile, because it will increase the useful lifetime of all gradients. Page 9 With water based spin fluids, a thin cover of dodecane or tetradecane is injected into the instrument to inhibit evaporation of fluid from the rotating disc. The dodecane allows operation of the disc for at least several hours without significant degradation of the density gradient. Dodecane and tetradecane normally attack and swell rubber seals on disposable syringes, so all-plastic or all-glass syringes should be used to handle these liquids. Running Low Density Samples If you have purchased the optional disc for low density samples, then you have the option to run samples that are either higher in density than the fluid in disc (as described above), or samples that are lower in density than the fluid in the disc. Low density samples start analysis at the bottom of the centrifuge chamber and float toward the surface. Low density samples are injected into a "V" shaped groove in the front of the low density disc;at the base of this V shaped groove there are four capillary tubes which lead to the outside edge of the disc chamber. The density gradient may be identical to that used for high density samples, but the prepared sample (fluid plus particles) must be more dense than the most dense fluid that is used to form the gradient. If you are using an aqueous gradient based on 24% to 8% sucrose, then the sample preparation fluid could be 30% sucrose in water, along with ~0. When the prepared sample reaches the bottom of the chamber, it spreads over the outside edge of the chamber, and forms a narrow initial band of particles. The centrifuge is started with the standard injection port, and the gradient fluids are added to the spinning disc in the normal way. Once the disc gradient has been formed, the normal injection port is removed, and replaced with a special angled injection port, which guides the After the centrifuge is spinning at constant speed, inject the density gradient solutions in the same way as normal. After the gradient is formed, you must remove the normal injection port by turning counterclockwise, then install the special angled injection port for low density samples. The special port directs the injection syringe needle toward the V shaped injection groove. It is best if you read the Operating Manual cover to cover before you explore the system. However, the following steps will give you the minimum information you need to find your way through the system. This will turn on the idle cooling fan located inside the centrifuge housing, and produce a steady discharge of air from the back of the centrifuge housing. Use the mouse to point at the Procedure Definition button, and press the left mouse button one time. You have the option to change any of the operating parameters as needed, and also to define an unlimited number of different operating procedures. It is better if you read the section of this manual called "Procedure Definition Window" before you create any new operating procedures. Point at and "click" the Exit Without Saving button to return to the Main Menu window. This window has a list of all of the available data files for the default operating procedure, as well as spaces for Averages of files and Saved files. You select files for viewing by pointing at the desired file and clicking the left mouse button once to highlight the file. The software will present a new window titled Retrieve Distributions View Files, on which the size distribution graphs for the selected files are displayed.